Shannon Brawley, Farbice De Clerck, Cralan Deutsch,
Dana Helfer, Joe Marcotte,
Emily Oakley,
Sara Prout, Ryan Sensenig and Michiko Sugawara
Issues of scale and
valuation
From the public's perspective, soils function on geologic time scales, and on
spatial scales,
well, dirt simply is dirt. There is little realization that soils are
tremendously dynamic at both temporal and spatial scales. However, terms such as the breadbasket of
the US, the Fertile Crescent, and the Nile Valley exemplify the cultural
importance that is actually placed on soil quality in the agricultural sense.
Several soil properties do work on large scales, but others such as pH,
nitrogen content, and phosphorus levels can change within millimeters
surrounding a plant's root. Important features such as soil texture and
electrical conductivity can chance within meters and are clearly represented by
vegetational changes across the landscape. Soil properties, which change on small
spatial scales also, tend to change rapidly, whereas properties such as soil
texture take decades to centuries to change. Soil formation can indeed function
on a geologic time scale, but current rates of erosion force us to consider
rates of soil loss, and formation at a decadal scale. For soils to be
sustainably managed, we must become aware of our impact on their properties at
local and annual scales.
Although most
commonly associated with private ownership, soils are at once private, state,
and common property. This diverse dynamic of ownership has tremendous impact on
soil management and conservation. The nature of private property is to allow
broad individual freedom in determination of use and management, which is at
odds with the almost open access importance of soil quality and preservation. The perception or view on how the
soil or land management techniques are utilized varies depending on cultural
background, economics, experience and education. Mountjoy (1996) stresses the
importance of the social and cultural contexts of individual behavior, as well
as institutional factors such as access to credit, land tenure, and market
forces as key processes that effect erosion rates.
Regional and
national governments uphold the rights of individuals to utilize their land in
privately determined ways that generally do not hold them accountable to the
wider public, except in extreme cases of pollution or degradation. International non-governmental organizations
often represent the issues of developed countries and their concern over soil erosion
and pollution. Local organizations are
more often producer or farmer-based, advocating for local rights and
responsibilities in soil conservation.
This private versus public debate in many respects mirrors the
traditional versus scientific perceptions of soil conservation (Critchley et
al., 1994). Farmers and other land
users view their land in terms of output and production whereas scientists are
interested in dissecting and identifying the properties of soil structure and
quality (Kennedy and Papendick 1995:243).
The contrast between soils as agents of livelihoods with soils as
independent ecosystems and habitats plays out in the regulations of soil
use. The structure of regulations of
soil use directly influences approaches to management. Ultimately, however, it is in both private
and public interests to ensure protection from soil loss that has created a
diverse set of solutions and practices addressing soil conservation
For decades, the focus of
soil conservation was on technological solutions with little consideration
for how these technologies were adopted and perceived by those using them. But
today, local, community-based leadership and participation have become central
concepts in soil conservation research and programs. Soil management is more
complex than it appears at first. Degradation is a result of a variety of
factors--many of them social, such as poverty, population, socio-economic
status, land distribution, civil wars and labor availability (Zimmerer, 1993).
Studies focusing on the social context of behavior and local perceptions of
soil degradation show how these social factors can be constraints and barriers
to adopting appropriate technologies. It therefore becomes important to involve
local communities in identifying problems and creating conservation solutions
(Mountjoy 1995). For this reason,
technical advisors, policy makers and developmental agencies are now looking at
valuable environmental knowledge of indigenous peoples around the world.
The technological
innovations and possible solutions for the sustainable management of soils are
as diverse and varied as the multitude of situations and circumstances under
which they might be applied. In the case of erosion, soil conservation
technologies like ridge planting, no-till cultivation, crop rotations, strip
cropping, mulching, agroforestry, terracing, contour planting, cover crops, and
windbreaks, can all serve to reduce rates of erosion if carried out with
minimal plowing (Pimentel et al., 1995). Diversion canals, sediment basins, and
surface and buried drain pipes can be utilized to minimize erosion in and
around roads and gullies (Mountjoy, 1996). Indigenous dryland soil conservation
techniques include examples of appropriate local strategies and regimes for
soil conservation for small-scale farmers, but are not limited to vegetative
strips, trash lines, wooden barriers, pits/basins, earth/stone bunds and
terraces, and flood/rain water harvesting. (Critchley et al.)
The principle
economic tools and policies to address soil degradation directly correspond to
farmer incentives and constraints to the adoption of soil-conserving techniques
of management. Accordingly, Zimmerer (1993) specifies that farmer access to
land, labor, and capital, constitute the main agrarian differentiation upon
which the ability for farmers to intensify production (sustainably) rests.
Consequently, Sain and Barreto (1996) argue that sustainability seeking
conservation practices must embrace and integrate conservation components with
productivity components. Important variables include, but are not limited to:
access to migration and wage labor, access to land and size of land,
availability of appropriate technology, and the economic role played by
cash crops. Therefore any economic policies that affect these variables should
be considered. Examples are: land tenure and ownership, access to credit,
national currency value, provision of extension services, and migratory
patterns of labor. These factors represent macro-policies, but the take-home
lesson is that each region presents microvariations of both soil fertility and
economic constraints to technology adoption (Lal & Stewart 1995).
Integrated
solutions to soil management require the input of both the scientific and local
communities. Policy and implementation programs must address the requirements
of soil as both a private and a public good. Technological solutions are
ineffective at dealing with soil degradation, unless the social and economic
factors are addressed in conjunction with the environmental ones. Ultimately,
the approach must be a collaborative process between land users, policy makers,
scientists and other actors on the resource. The understanding of values,
incentives, and benefits for each participant is crucial to community level
adoption of conservation programs.
References:
Buol, S.W. 1995.
Sustainability of Soil Use. Annual Review
of Ecology and Systematics 26:25-44.
Critchley,
W.R.S., C. Reij and T.J. Willcocks. 1994. Indigenous soil and water
conservation: a review of the state of knowledge and prospects for building on
traditions. Land Degradation &
Rehabilitation 5:293-314.
Kennedy, A.C.
and R.I. Papendick. Microbial
Characteristics of Soil Quality. Journal of Soil and Water Conservation. May-June 1995, (pp. 243-248).
Lal, R. and B.A.
Stewart. 1995 Managing Soils for Enhancing and Sustaining Agricultural
Production. In Lal, R. and B.A. Stewart, eds. Soil Management: Experimental
Basis for Sustainability and Environmental Quality. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Lewis
Publishers, pp. 1- 9.
Lindert, Peter.
1996. Soil Degradation and Agricultural Change in Two Developing Countries.
University of California, Davis Agricultural History Center Working Paper No.
82.
Mountjoy, Daniel
C. 1996. Ethnic Diversity and the Pattern Adoption of Soil Conservation in the
Strawberry Hills of Monterey, California. Society and Natural Resources
9:339-357.
Pimentel, David
et al. 1995. Environmental and economic costs of soil erosion and conservation
benefits. Science 267:1117-1123.
Sain, Gustavo
and Hector Barreto. 1996. The adoption of soil conservation technolgy in El
Salvador: linking productivity and conservation. Journal of Soil and Water Conservation 51(4): 313-321.
Zimmerer, Karl.
1993. Soil erosion and labor shortages in the Andes with special reference to
Bolivia, 1953-91: Implications for “Conservation with Development.” World Development 21: 1659-1675.